Tuesday, May 22, 2018



Adopted at the Igbo Summit organized by Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, 21st May, 2018, at Ekwueme Square, Awka


The Nigerian project is at a crossroads. It does not command universal acceptance at home and it is much diminished abroad. For some sections of the population, the promise of Nigeria: peace and unity, faith and progress are becoming broken dreams. The capacity and objectivity of the Nigerian state, its leadership, critical institutions and agencies are questioned by many. On the global stage, Nigeria is rapidly fading from any serious reckoning. It cannot secure and fend for its citizens at home; neither can it project power to protect its citizens abroad. Despite its abundant potential and promise, most Nigerians agree that Nigeria as currently structured and governed is not sustainable.

In the run up to
 Nigeria’s independence and after independence (in the 1960 and 1963 Constitutions), our founding fathers like The Rt. Hon. Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Sir Ahmadu Bello and their compatriots from all the then Southern and Northern minority ethnic groups, negotiated and gave us truly federal constitutions which embodied the basic principles of federalism, namely, autonomy of the federating regions, fiscal federalism, devolution of powers, citizenship/indigeneship rights, etc. Under these constitutions, freely negotiated by the Nigerian people, there was a consensus that a truly federal structure was the best for a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, multi-religious society such as Nigeria; to guarantee justice, fairness, equity, freedom, liberty as well as a balanced and competitive political and economic structure to give every citizen and section of the country a framework to maximize their God-given potential.
The present 1999 Constitution foisted by the military regime (falsely dubbed a federal constitution) unhinged all the structures of true federalism and bequeathed a de facto unitary system with concentration of powers and resources at the centre. With the choking unitary system and all its dysfunctionality for a diverse country, Nigeria has remained relatively unstable, oscillating unpredictably between the flickers of hope and despair.
Most Nigerians agree that this system cannot survive and endure for much longer. The genius, Albert Einstein, said that the definition of insanity is to repeat the same thing over and over and expect a different outcome. For several years, many organized groups, intellectuals, statesmen and women have persistently called for a re-examination of the structure of the federation, to make it work for all Nigerians. It started first as calls for a sovereign national conference. In recent times, the calls have become even more strident and desperate: the Yoruba nation has held a rally at Ibadan in September 2017 and published its agenda for restructuring Nigeria; the South-South geopolitical zone held its own summit in Yenagoa in March 2018 and endorsed its template for restructuring; the All Progressives Congress (APC) set up a Committee on restructuring and its recommendations are public knowledge; the 19 states of the former Northern Region have also set up their own committee on restructuring and its report is expected; the Middle Belt zone is scheduled to hold its own summit on restructuring, while several political parties have made ‘true federalism’ the centre piece of their manifestos for a better Nigeria. At no time in Nigeria’s recent history has there been broader support for restructuring the federation than now.
For the estimated 57 million Igbos scattered in all villages, towns and cities of Nigeria as well as around the world, the demand for a restructured Nigeria that guarantees security of life and property, freedom and liberty, equity, justice and development, has a unique significance. No other ethnic group has a greater stake in the Nigerian project than Ndi Igbo by virtue of tens of millions of Ndi Igbo who live and invest everywhere in Nigeria outside Igboland. But they are also victims at every turn: every now and again, threats to their lives and properties as well as brazen discrimination and marginalization in critical areas underscore their general treatment as unequal citizens of Nigeria. Consequently, there is a segment of Igbo society that has lost hope in the Nigerian dream; believes that Nigeria will never work for the Igbos and hence agitate for an exit from the union. But a preponderance of views among Igbos is that a restructured Nigeria that works for all remains the best option.

The Agenda presented here distils from accumulated years of work on the subject by successive regimes of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, various Igbo think-tanks especially the submissions of the Igbo Leaders of Thought for the 2014 National Conference; various Igbo positions for the 1994 Constitutional conference and 2005 and 2014 national conferences; the report of the Committee set up by South East Governors on the review of the 1999 Constitution; the report of the World Igbo Summit by the Igbo Renaissance Centre, Uturu; various submissions/reports by Aka Ikenga; Izu Umunna; Nzuko Umunna; the Igbo intelligentsia; the World Igbo Congress; reports of various meetings and conferences of Igbo stakeholders and leaders; etc. The Ohanaeze Planning and Strategy Committee and the Organizing Committee for the Summit on restructuring also embarked on town hall -style consultative meetings in Abuja, Lagos, and Enugu to collate inputs from major segments of Igbo society. Memoranda and inputs were also received from over 40 pan-Igbo groups, NGOs, and individuals. A draft was presented and debated at the National Executive Committee and the Imeobi of Ohanaeze Ndigbo.
What is presented is a summary, and the issues remain work in progress. The position of Ndi Igbo is to seek a transformed Nigeria that works for every Nigerian citizen, a level playing field for all Nigerians to enjoy freedom, liberty, fairness, equity and justice to maximize their fullest potential. Ndi Igbo are uniquely positioned, by virtue of their huge stake in Nigeria, to join hands with every willing party to champion a pan-Nigeria agenda. We do not seek any preferential or differential treatment from Nigeria. Ndi Igbo want a Nigeria that works—to maximize their security, prosperity, and happiness. Igbos also want a Nigeria that allows every part of Nigeria the latitude and opportunity to develop at their own pace. We want a national conversation to create a new and better Nigeria for all Nigerians. The outline below seeks to achieve this objective..
Section 1: A New Constitution of Nigeria.
We demand a constitutional conference, backed by a law enacted by the National Assembly, where the people of Nigeria will agree on a new, truly federal Constitution. A Constituent Assembly should be constituted to agree on a new Constitution for a new Nigeria. Such a Constitution—the People’s Constitution-- should be approved by the people of Nigeria through a referendum to give it legitimacy and validity. Thereafter, the National Assembly should repeal Act 24 of 1999 (of which the 1999 Constitution is only a Schedule), thereby effectively voiding the 1999 Constitution.
Section 2: Form of Government
a) The presidential system of government should continue to operate at the federal level, with a bicameral legislature. The Regions or States have to determine the type of government to operate at that level as enshrined in their respective constitutions (whether parliamentary or separate Executive and legislative organs). It would be desirable however for the same form of government be adopted at the regional levels for comparability and ease in transaction of government business in the federation.

b) The tenure of office of the President will be a single term of six years. There will be five Vice-Presidents, one from each of the geopolitical zones or regions except the region/zone of the president), and each also to serve for a fixed term of six years. Each of the Vice-Presidents will be assigned supervisory responsibility over two or more ministries such as Defence, Internal Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Finance, Infrastructure/Works, etc. This is to give every zone/region a sense of belonging and a strong voice in major decision making. The office of President will rotate among the six regions/zones of Nigeria.

c) The Governor and Deputy Governor of the Region/State should have a single term of six years only. The office of Governor will rotate among the senatorial districts, or among such other configurations as may be enshrined in the Constitution of a Region/State.
Section 3: Federating Units and Structure of the Nigerian State
a. Nigeria will remain a federation with the existing six geopolitical zones forming the federating units or six regions of the country. There will therefore be six regional governments, each comprising the current states within each zone and any other state(s) that may be created within the zone from time to time.

b. Each Region will have its own Constitution, for the good governance, peace and development of the region. Such Regional Constitutions have to clearly delineate levels of authority between the regional government and the component states (that is, defining powers that are exclusive to the Region and powers that are residual to the states). The Regional Constitutions will not be inconsistent with the Constitution of the federation, and will be invalidated to the extent of its inconsistency with the federal constitution.

c. If the national consensus is that the states as currently constituted remain the federating units, the existing six geopolitical zones will be enshrined in the constitution as the basis for sharing national political, economic and social amenities, offices and opportunities in an equitable manner among the zones.

d. In such a situation as in (c) above, Ndi Igbo demand that Nigeria give effect to the recommendation of the 2014 National Conference which states that “in the spirit of reconciliation, equity, fair play, and justice, there shall be created an additional state for the South East Zone; and all other requests for state creation shall be considered on merit”. One additional state in the South East should be the irreducible minimum.

e. But if States remain the basis for sharing resources and opportunities in Nigeria, Ndi Igbo demand an equal number of states per geopolitical zone or region.

f. Local Governments should be scrapped from the Constitution of the Federation. Local Government should be in the Exclusive list of the Regional/State Constitutions.

g. If States remain the federating units and some states wish to merge to be viable in the absence of distributable resources from the centre, they may do so provided that :
(i) A two-thirds majority of members of the Houses of Assembly of each of the affected states support the merger by a resolution, and;
(ii) A referendum is conducted in each of the states proposing to merge, and 60% of registered voters in the States who vote are required to approve the merger.

h. Any group of people or communities that wish to belong to a contiguous zone other than the zone in which they currently belong, may do so provided that 60% of registered voters who voted in the affected area approve the merger in a referendum.

Section 4: Equality of Regions or Geo-Political Zones
Whether the Regions or States become the federating units, and whether or not equal numbers of states are created in each zone, Ndi Igbo demand that equality of the six geopolitical zones should be enshrined in the Constitution. Politically, representation at the federal cabinet as well as the twin chambers of the federal legislature should be based on equality of zones/regions. Furthermore, sharing of revenues, distribution of infrastructure by the federal government, and federal character principle will be applied on the basis of equality of zones.
Section 5: Citizenship/Indigeneship Rights:
a) Nigerian citizenship is acquired through the criteria for citizenship as provided in the Nigerian Constitution.

b) The concept of State of Origin should be scrapped from the Constitution of the Federation, and replaced with State of Residence.

c) As an alternative to (b ) above, minimum residency and civic rights and responsibilities should include the following two conditions:

1) Any child born of Nigerian parents anywhere in Nigeria will acquire the indigeneship (residency) rights of the area at birth.

2) Similarly, any Nigerian citizen who has resided in any part of Nigeria and paid taxes there for a period of ten years can acquire the indigeneship (residency) rights of the area, except for the right to their traditional stool.

Section 6: Internal Security:
a) There should be a two or three-tier police structure with defined responsibilities as follows: a Police Force for the Federation and controlled by the Federal Government, and the Regional/State Constitutions to establish separate Police Forces for each region and each state.

b) The Police Force at every level will be headed by a non-partisan professional. The power to appointment and remove such a head of police will be vested in an independent body.

Section 7: Sharing of Financial Resources:Fiscal Federalism
a) Section 162 of the 1999 Constitution is a negation of the principle of federalism. It should be abrogated. In its place, a truly federal system that gives control of resources to the component units and replaces the current system of unconditional transfers with conditional transfers from the centre as follows:

b) The states will have control over all the natural resources within their territory. Fiscal federalism presupposes the revocation of the Land Use Act of 1978, the Solid Minerals Act, as well as the various Petroleum/Gas Acts and amendments since 1969. The right of ownership, control and exploitation of these and other assets should be returned to the states and/ or federating units.

c) The taxation powers of the various tiers of government should be reviewed to give the federating units greater flexibility and scope to generate revenue internally.

d) States within the federating units should collect and keep 50% of rents, royalties and profit taxes on minerals derived from their states; pay 20% to the regional government, and 30% to the federal government; provided that each tier of government will save at least 5% of the receipts from natural/mineral resources as Future Generation Fund.

e) The Federal Government should set aside 40% of revenue collected from the states/regions as a Distributable Pool Account (DPA). The balance of 60% plus 60% of its own independent revenues such as customs duties, federal VAT, federal income tax, etc. will be deployed to its diminished responsibilities. The sharing of DPA should be equitable and should replace the present unconditional revenue allocation to the states and local governments. Among other things, the DPA should be deployed to the following:
i) Emergency transfers from the DPA made only to distressed states/zones consequent upon natural and environmental emergencies, such as, floods, erosion, earthquakes, desert encroachment, man–made disasters - conflicts insurgency and war.

ii) Distributable Capital Account (DCA) – The balance in the DPA would serve as distributable capital (DCA) from which conditional grants are made to the federating units for capital projects only, on the basis of accountability subject to project- performance monitoring. The DCA would replace the current unconditional monthly allocation, and operate almost as matching grants.

f) The states within a region should collectively decide what percentage of their consolidated revenue they will allocate to the regional government for its operations provided that such contributions will not be less than 10 per cent of the respective states’ gross revenue.

Section 8: Merit and Federal Character Principle
a) Nigeria must maintain an appropriate balance between merit and affirmative action in the conduct of national and regional/state affairs, and the distribution of appointments, amenities, opportunities and privileges among constituent parts. For example, while 60% should be reserved for merit, 40% could be reserved to ensure federal character principle or affirmative action.

b) We recommend that the Federal Character Commission be replaced with Merit and Equal Opportunities Commission.

Section 9: Elections

a) Elections into the office of the President and federal legislature will be conducted by the electoral body of the Federal Government. Elections into regional/state offices will be conducted by electoral bodies set up by the regional/state Constitutions or laws.

b) It is believed that the current system of simple Plurality System (with a simple relative majority as winner) encourages minority governments and is considered out of date. We hereby propose a majoritarian system whereby a winner must score at least 50% of the votes cast to win an election.

c) Independent candidates serve as a form of protest to political parties and should be allowed in the electoral system provided that such candidates meet the minimum criteria to be on the ballot.

Section 10: Judiciary
a) Each federating unit will have its judicial system with courts of first instance, appellate court and Supreme courts to adjudicate on matters that are in the concurrent and residual lists as well as matters exclusively preserved for the federating units.

b) Where the states are the federating units, there will be state high courts, and zonal/regional court of appeal and zonal/regional Supreme Court on matters pertaining to the states and zones/regions.

c) It is the states or regional courts and their appellate courts that will have jurisdiction over electoral matters in their respective states or regions except matters pertaining to the presidential election or federal elections.

d) There shall also be the federal high court, federal appeal court and federal supreme court--- to deal with matters on the exclusive list of the Constitution, as well as constitutional matters or conflicts between the federating units and the federal government.


a) The long list of items on the Exclusive List of the 1999 Constitution should be considerably reduced to the basics required of the central government in a federation including but not limited to: defence, immigration, currency and monetary policy, customs and excise, foreign affairs.

b) Under the 1999 Constitution, the Federal Government controls both the Exclusive and Concurrent lists in the Constitution because federal legislations on matters in the concurrent list supersede the state legislations. It is proposed that on matters on the concurrent legislative list, the Federal Government should be concerned with regulation to ensure minimum national standards, and leave the regions/states to be innovative and competitive in the design of their policies, programmes and regulations relating to such concurrent items.
c) Where conflicts arise between the federal and regional/state legislation with regard to matters on the concurrent list, such conflicts will be resolved through ‘mutual consent’.

Federal Exclusive Legislative List

Accounts of the Government of the Federation and officers, courts and authorities thereof, including audit of those accounts.

Archives, other than the public records of the Governments of the Regions or States

Aviation standards

Bills of exchange and promissory notes.

Borrowing of monies outside Nigeria for the purposes of the Federal Government or of any Region, other than borrowing by the Government of a Region/state on the security of any funds or assets of that government held outside Nigeria or borrowing that is not the liability of the Federation

Borrowing of monies within Nigeria for the purposes of the Federal Government.
Currency, coinage and legal tender.

Customs and excise duties, including export duties.

Deportation of persons who are not citizens of Nigeria.

Exchange control.

External affairs.


Prescription of minimum standards of education at all levels.

Immigration into and emigration from Nigeria.

Legal proceedings between the Government of the Federation and any other person or authority or between the Governments of Zones or States.

Prescription of standards with respect to maritime shipping and navigation, including:

Shipping and navigation of tidal water

Shipping and navigation on the River Niger and its effluents and on any such other inland waterway as may be declared by the National Assembly to be an international waterway or to be an inter-Regional waterway;

Lighthouse, lightships, beacons and other provisions for the safety of shipping and navigation;

Such ports as may be declared by the National Assembly to be Federal ports (including the constitution and powers of port authorities for federal ports), provided that where such ports belong to the regions/states, the declaration as a federal port willl be with the consent of the region/state.


Museums established by the Federal Government

Naval, military and air forces.

Nuclear energy.

Passports and visas.

Patent, trade mark, designs and merchandise marks.

Pensions, gratuities and other like benefits payable out of the Consolidated

Revenue Funds or any other public funds of the Federation or federal government?.

Posts, telegraphs and telephones, including post office savings banks.

Powers, privileges and immunities of each House of the National Assembly and its members.

The public debt of the Federal Government.

Public relations of the Federation.

The public service of the Federation, including the settlement of disputes between the Federation and officers in the public service of the Federation.

Tribunals of enquiry with respect to all or any of the matters mentioned in this list

Trunk roads, that is to say, the construction, alteration and maintenance of such roads as may be declared as federal trunk roads.

Water from such sources as may be declared by the National Assembly to be source affecting more than one territory.

Weights and measures.

Wireless, broadcasting and television other than broadcasting and television provided by the Government of Regions or States; allocation of wavelengths for wireless, broadcasting and television transmission.

The matters with respect to which the National Assembly is empowered to make laws by provisions of this Constitution.
Any matter that is incidental or supplementary:
To any matter mentioned elsewhere in this list; or

To the discharge by the Government of the Federation or any officer, court or authority of the Federation of any function conferred by this Constitution.
The Concurrent Legislative List


Arms and ammunition.

Bankruptcy and insolvency.


Chemical Services, including analytical services.

Commercial and industrial monopolies, combines and trusts.

Control of capital issues.

Control of the voluntary movement of persons between territories.


Such drugs and poisons as may with the consent of the governments of the Zones or States be designated by the President by order.

Fingerprints, identification and criminal records.
Higher education, that is to say, institutions and other bodies offering courses or conducting examinations of a university, technological or of a professional character.

Incorporation, regulation and winding up of bodies corporate, other than cooperative societies, native authorities, local government authorities and bodies corporate established directly by any law enacted by the legislature of a Region or State.

Insurance other than insurance undertaken by the Government of a Zone or State but including any insurance undertaken by the Government of a Zone that extends beyond the units of that Zone.

Industrial Development

Labour, that is to say, conditions of labour, industrial relations, trade unions and welfare of labour.

The legal and medical professions and such other professional occupations as may with the consent of the governments of the Zones be designated by the President by order.

All marriages, customary, statutory.

National monuments, that is to say, such monuments in a Zone as may with the consent of the Government of that Zone be designated by the President by order as national monuments.

National parks, that is to say, the control of such areas in a Zone as may with the consent of the Government of that Zone be designated by the President by order as national parks.

Prisons and other institutions for the treatment of offenders.

Promotion of tourist traffic.

Railways, including ancillary transport and other services

Taxes on amounts paid or payable or the sale or purchase of commodities except: produce; hides and skins; motor spirit; automotive gas oil sold or purchased for use in road vehicles; AGO sold or purchased for other than industrial purposes.

The maintaining and securing of public safety and public order; the providing, maintaining and securing of such supplies and services as may be designated by the President by order as essential supplies and services.

Registration of business names.

Scientific and industrial research.
Service and execution in a Zone of the civil and criminal processes, judgments, decrees, order and other decisions of any court of law outside Nigeria or any court of law in Nigeria other than the Supreme Court, the High Court of that Zone or State or any court of law established by the legislature of that Zone or State.


Traffic on Federal trunk road

Tribunals of enquiry with respect to all or any of the matters mentioned elsewhere in this list.

Trigonometrical, cadastral and topographical surveys.

Water; Energy; Electricity.

The matters with respect to which National Assembly is empowered to make provision

Any matter that is incidental or supplementary to any matter mentioned elsewhere in this list.

On Monday, May 21, 2018

Tuesday, February 20, 2018

BENUE....What goes around......

To the Benue people: 
No time is too late to congratulate you regarding the epic events in your state. If not because of the life involved, I would have said let the killings continue in Benue state because it is good for them. Where is your Paul Unongo? Is he tired of leading the Northern forum with his unguided mouth against the Igbos? Maybe he doesn't know that "Food is Ready" is not for free. The real restructuring of Nigeria would have happened in 1967 after the Aburi dialogue in Ghana spearheaded by Ojukwu but Gowon manipulated and used Benue extracts like Onoja's family who not only stopped the move but killed many Igbos. They claimed to be more North than the caliphate, they said they are one indivisible North. Not long ago Paul Unongo and other Benue indigenes said IPOB is a terrorist group that deserved no mercy. They insulted Igbos and claimed Igbos are the problem of Nigeria. Now the music is steadily at their doorstep. They should stop complaining, stop disturbing other states, don't demonstrate because demonstration is terrorism too. They should just dance their music.

They thought that only the Igbos will forever suffer the injustice. The same people attacking Igbos for wanting to separate from cow lovers are now begging to secede from North to South. That Enugu is close to Benue doesn't make them a Southern state. Benue should enjoy their North alone,we don't need them in the South anymore because they are now a conquered Fulani territory, a hard truth that people will never believe but a mission accomplished by the Fulanis. The very mission the Fulanis couldn't reach after conquering Kwara and moved to Benue but resisted and denied such opportunity by the powerful Tivs. They are about to accomplish that mission in the 21st century. Yes, Tivs are powerful and strong people when it comes to war. They chased Fulanis after conquering Kwara and eventually met British colonialism and it stopped. But for the fact that a Fulani man is a memory man, the case of Benue state today is not just all about Cow but a Fulani agenda, the agenda they failed to fulfill long time ago.

Not considering the above history,Benue state indigenes in 2015 still gave a die hard sectional Fulani man a massive support of 373,961 votes. And you expect the Fulani man to go against their collective agenda. You are wasting your time. When we fail to read history, we repeat history. Benue state people failed to read history and they repeated history. So,how does that concern Modestus? To people of Benue,I say congratulations again. You can only enjoy it because it is part of what your one Nigeria you asked for represents. Whatever goes around comes around. Yesterday  the victims were Igbos you clapped and cheered the killers. Today is your turn and no reasonable Igbo will sympathise with you because PUBLIC SIN DEMANDS PUBLIC PENANCE and until those Christians in the middle belt understand that they are not the original owners of North the massacre will continue and flimsy excuses will always be given.The matter will still end without arrest and punishment. Call me an Igbo extremist, well that's my name because not only that extreme actions demand extreme response, an objective mad man is also better than an educated lunatic.

To other Nigerians I  heard that Herdsmen are new colonial Masters in Nigeria and they need colonies with their AK47s? And some people are supporting the idea of giving them colonies for peace to reign. Pls which peace are we talking about here? A group that goes around with AK47 and other dangerous weapons and can kill at will without being arrested is the group you are advocating to be pinned down in your backyard? Go back and study Fulani history. Firstly they are polygamous in nature. With the aid of their polygamy they can give birth to a state within a year and they love conquest. Once they install an Emir in that your village land they will not only lay claim to the land given to them for animal rearing but the entire village and from a  village to an entire state. They are heartless they can finish your entire village within 2 hours.The Fulanis really want to actualize their long term plans publicly said by Ahmadu Bello in 1960.The establishment of Cattle colonies is a master plan.Those who proposed this cow colonies are supposedly people in government who want to use their office not only to benefit their business but to plant Fulanis among every tribe in Nigeria in a bid to recolonize the primitive tribes of Nigeria. So they pretend as officials that they are helpless before the herdsmen, allowing them to cause havoc at will without a single consequence. They just want the victims to be afraid of the herdsmen and accept any proposal by the government. Before the cow colonies they proposed a similar nonsense which is now unpopular. That's the reason Buhari is constructing a railway to Niger Republic to bring more Fulanis to Nigeria to complete Usman Dan Fodio's Fulani colonization mission. Everybody will live and remember Nnamdi Kanu.

Do you still need further investigations to know where those agents of  death get their weapons from? This is the new Nigeria this is change. Things have changed. Social Scientists know that when transcendental forces like herdsmen operate incessantly a new order is in the horizon. A man who repeats an action is asserting a right to that action.The unjustifiable silence of Buhari is acceptance because in law silence is acceptance. So, lamentation will never save anyone.
People should stop making themselves objects of sympathy by appealing for pity. Being a Christian doesn't make you a Coward and prey to Fulanis. Fighting your enemies does not make you a sinner. Sadly but truly the world is a place of war, sorrow, tears, bloodshed, pains and injustice. No one will come to your rescue not even this Fulani government. That's why we need to guard ourselves, defend ourselves, fight the oppressors. The assailants understand this better than the oppressed and won't allow the oppressed to go until the oppressed stand up and demand for freedom. Stop being defenseless and fight for yourselves and that of posterity. Nnamdi KANU said it but some people insulted him. Thank God for the reality today. All the government does is to preach their rhetoric "peaceful coexistence". Modestus is telling you today that there is nothing like peaceful coexistence or it only exists in the book. Don't be fooled because they won't ensure justice. If  there is peaceful coexistence let them walk without bodyguards. Dear Christians, if we so much believe in being the descendants of Abraham, we should also be as brave as he was. Read your Bible very well, all great men of the old testament led and fought very well for their people.You can only ask God for his grace to overcome. God can only fight your spiritual battles and give you strength to fight your physical battle.Stop all these fasting and praying and rise up, Fulanis are gradually reducing your population and taking your land. I talk reality, I  hate pretense because I hate deceiving myself. Neglect me to your own peril.

By Modestus Iyke

Wednesday, February 14, 2018

John Shagaya: An Officer Ungentlemanly

According to his official resume, Shagaya was born on September 2, 1942 to MalIam Sikji Miri-Wazhi alias Shagaya and Mrs. Maryamu Zwancit. He obtained his primary school education at Nyer and later SUM Primary School, Langtang between 1952 and 1959.  Between 1960 and 1964 he attended the Nigerian Military School (NMS) Zaria. After graduation from the NMS, Zaria, he was posted to the Nigerian Army Armoured Corps then (Recce Squadron) between 1964 and 1966 where he rose to the enviable rank of a corporal.

Perhaps his most memorable experience in the army was the night of July 28, 1966; it was indeed the Night of the Long Knives in Abeokuta. In retrospection, this experience must have set the career tone for 24-year Cpl. John Shagaya with its rich mix of intrigues, hatred, treachery, blood-letting and mutiny.  Later on in his military life these traits would continued to manifest, and willy-nilly, brought him to the attention General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), the master-coupist of all times! 
The following is an account of what happened on the fateful night of July 28, 1966 which altered the destiny of Nigeria, and perhaps Shagaya, for all time:
At about 9:00 pm that night of 28th Lt. Col. Gabriel Okonweze, Commander of the Abeokuta Garrison received an information to the effect the northern officers in the Nigeria Army were positioning to strike against the military government of Major General Aguiyi Ironsi, over his non-action against Igbo officers who executed a coup killing prominent Northern political personalities as well as military officers. He was tipped off by Lt. Col. Patrick Anwunah, General Staff Officer (1) for Intelligence at Army HQ in Lagos. What Okonweze didn’t know at the time was that although such a plan was afoot it had been shelved to another date and the coup leader, Lt. Col. Murtala Muhammed had duly communicated this to other conspirators. But when Okonweze stumbled on the information he took measures to secure his command in Abeokuta: he summoned his unit commanders to brief them in the Officers’ Mess.
In the end he admonished: “What we are going to do is to avoid what happened in January where officers were taken unawares. We are going to wake up all soldiers, ask them to go to the armoury to get issued with arms and ammunition."
The officers at the briefing included: Major John Obienu (Recce Commander), Lt. Gabriel Idoko, Lt. DS Abubakar ("Datti Abubakar", Recce), Lt. IS Umar, and Lt. AB Mamman (Arty). Others were Captains M. Remawa (Recce 2ic) and Domkat Bali (Artillery Battery Commander). Lt. E.B. Orok (Recce) came later
Shortly after the briefing, an Igbo non-commissioned officer (NCO) was sent around the barracks shouting "Come out, come out, there is trouble; go to the armoury and collect your armour." Some northern soldiers were alarmed thinking that another Igbo uprising to “finish what they did not finish in January” coup was again taking place. Quickly they mobilised and took control of the armoury which happened to be under the custody of one Corporal Maisamari Maje, a Bachama. In next to no time the northern NCOs at Abeokuta had set up a small guard of northern soldiers to protect the armoury while they proceeded to disarm the quarter-guard.
This is how the military historian Prof. Nowa Omoigui, MD, narrates it verbatim in his publication: OPERATION ‘AURE’: Northern Nigerian Military Counter-Rebellion July, 1966:
Having secured the armoury, Sgt. Kole, issued weapons and ammo to a section of assault troops. Assisted by Maje, and including Corporal J. Shagaya, the group advanced to the Officers Mess under the direction of the duty officer….Once in the mess they ordered all officers present to raise their hands. When Okonweze challenged them, he was summarily executed right there and then. Major John Obienu, Commander of the Recce Squadron, sitting next to Okonweze, was also shot dead. Lt. E Orok, driving in to join them, saw what was happening, shouted at the soldiers, and was himself shot dead right under the tree where he parked his car. In the chaos, some northerners were shot too, notably Lt. Gabriel Idoko, mistaken for Igbo because he was wearing an "English dress". He was lucky to survive. Some Igbo soldiers (other ranks) in the garrison were subsequently rounded up and shot (read more on www.omogui.com).

What is remarkable about this episode is that it was the decisive factor that forced the hands of the initial conspirators to execute the purge of July 29, 1966. It remains in the realm of speculations whether the planned coup would have taken place, at all, or the form and manner it would have taken. What is incontrovertible, however, is that Cpl. Shagaya made his name early in the history of coup-making even before he became a commissioned officer!
In 1967, a year after the mutiny, Cpl. Shagaya attended the short service combatant course at the Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna, and upon completion and commissioning as a second lieutenant, was posted to 3 Marine Commandos where he participated in the Nigerian civil war 1967-1970. Since the uprising in Abeokuta, his name has featured in virtually all the coups that subsequently took place in this country. Talk of accumulated experience!

 At his 60th birthday celebration, John Nanzip Shagaya, announced with considerable aplomb that he was proud to be called “IBB boy.”
Although this statement sent shockwaves around the country, most especially in the middle belt region, long tired of its elite’s sheepish kowtowing to elements of the northern feudal oligarchy, such expression of approbation coming from one coup maker to another was hardly surprising.  
Many progressive members of the middle belt rue at the naivety of this fellow who many had hoped that with advancing age would finally purge himself of the fawning servility and self-effacement to the former military dictator, General Ibrahim Babangida. Given the typical “use and dump” mentality of the wily members of the oligarchic Northern Establishment, for which, he and his co-travelers, the so-called Langtang mafia, were victims in the early 90s, Shagaya ought have been more circumspect in his utterances. But, alas, he appears to suffer from a chronic delusion of his place in his master’s heart.
“That label,” he told ThisDay newspaper at the time, “is a compliment to the fact that we were loyal to ourselves." When coupists use such terms as loyalty, it means something else. Why were they loyal to themselves, and not to the nation, as expected of men under arms? Secondly, the use of the phrase “loyal to ourselves” is misleading in the sense that it suggests a relationship based on mutual respect. But was that, indeed, the true description of the relationship between Shagaya and IBB? We shall soon find out.
On the 18th anniversary of the coup that brought IBB to power, Shagaya presented a book titled Governance in Nigeria: The IBB Era; an Insider View. The occasion which took place on August 27, 2003 was chaired by IBB’s Minna neighbor and former Head of State, General Abdulsalam Abubakar.
In his speech, Babangida admitted that Shagaya was “a participant in the exercise that brought our regime to power.” But the next paragraphs were perplexing; they require a more careful reading to decipher what the sly ex-military President was saying. It was a crafty dénouement. Till date, I have my doubts whether the fawning Shagaya has comprehended its full implication.
This is what Babangida said: “I am sure that John will allow me the indulgence of accusing him of being also a believer, an apostle and indeed a disciple of the programmes and policies of the administration…His intimate knowledge of our views and conviction over the years equipped him to understand our motivations and informing ideals.”  
From the outset, it is obvious that IBB does not share the bunkum of “loyal to ourselves.” His reference to Shagaya by his first name at such formal gathering reveals his condescension for the fellow. Let’s cut out the barracks bulls***t about military perk system; this guy, John, is a grandfather, for goodness sake! IBB intentionally employed a cynical put-down syndrome which is common to all superior-inferior relationships. In the American slave plantations or apartheid South Africa every blackman is a Sam, Frank, or George. In the oligarchic set up in the North, the feudal hangers-on are not differently called; they are Sule, Garba, John, Joe, etc; no Mallam, Alhaji or Mr.
Read the text again more carefully; does the text collaborates Shagaya’s notion that he was an “insider” in IBB’s governance? Babangida is suggesting here in his speech that Shagaya was an outsider who he could indulge by accusing him of thinking that he was “a believer, an apostle and indeed a disciple of the programmes and policies of the administration.” This statement throws more light on the type of regime IBB ran and the people, like Shagaya, who supported it. There were people that ran the show and there were those who were the window dressing.
The fact is that the ex-President used a very spiteful language to describe the role of people like Shagaya. Why did he, for example, say he would “indulge” Shagaya by accusing him “of being also a believer…?” You indulge children, the weak, the hapless, etc; you don’t indulge your equals or superiors, even in accusing them. The word indulge means spoil, pamper, pander, cosset, make a fuss of, coddle, humor, or treat. I cannot see in which context it could connote respect, equality or mutual loyalty. But the term bears all the critical elements of “use and dump” and that was precisely the point IBB wanted to make. And he made it eloquently, too.         
Shagaya, like his fellow Langtang cousins, Jerry Useni, Joshua Dogonyaro and Domkat Bali, were members of the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC), yet IBB is suggesting that their understanding of the regime’s “programmes and policies” were garnered through “intimate” association only; that they were not in the kitchen were the cake was being baked. In other words, Shagaya and co. played absolutely no role in forming “the programmes and policies of the administration.”
Whatever, Shagaya and his ilk may want to think, IBB had no intention of sharing his glory with them. He had only used them and it irks him that they would preposterously carve any “insider” role for themselves other than the one he had given them; dispensable corteges. In spite of such crude put down, however, it is unbelievable that Shagaya still gladly fights IBB’s proxy wars. This is a man who saw at close quarters IBB’s humiliation of  his own people, the so-called members of the Langtang mafia, but has remained tenaciously and shamelessly tied to the former dictator’s apron-strings.
IBB humiliated the revered Lt General Domkat Bali, the then Joint Chief of Defence Staff and Minister of Defence, by asking him to take over from Shagaya as Minister in the Interior Ministry. Considering that Shagaya was far younger than Bali and as a fellow Taroh, could as well be termed a relation, he did not see any thing wrong with Bali’s short shrift treatment. However, when recently IBB was being accused of ogling Aso Villa during rumours that President Umaru Yar’Adua may abdicate the Presidential Seat, Shagaya rushed to his defence, saying: “I have no right to speak on his behalf based on my age, experience and relationship and the tradition of the Nigerian military. He (IBB) cannot aspire to take over from the man who is younger than him in age (my emphasis), and who is the younger brother of his colleague, especially when they maintain a cordial relationship.” How ironic! Is this not what is called the middle belt affliction; the tendency to pull your own kind down but defend the interloper with your last once of blood? Shagaya didn’t see anything wrong in his elderly kinsman, Bali taking over from him back in those days, but he would die ten times than see his mentor, IBB, take over from a younger Yar’Adua.
General Bali, a man of high principles, resigned his commission as the result of this humiliation but, I can bet my last kobo that if the opportunity presented itself, IBB will grab power from anyone far younger than Yar’Adua!
It is the pull-him-down attitude by fellow middle belters that has led to the systematic decimation of the middle belt power elite as an alternative fulcrum of leadership in Nigeria. Similarly, for his loyalty to IBB, Dogonyaro was blinded from seeing the conspiracy between his former boss and General Sani Abacha which cost him his career. Shagaya was personally demoted from the rank of Major General to Brigadier by the same oligarchic forces he had dutifully served.
But did Shagaya learn any lesson from his misadventure with the Northern oligarchy? No. At one point, he became the founding member of the United Nigeria People Party (UNPP) under which he sought for the Senatorial seat for the Plateau South during the 1999 elections but which was actually a façade for IBB’s political ambition. For the 2003 elections he joined the All Nigeria People Party (ANPP) and was woefully defeated once again. While parading as an ANPP stalwart he also called himself the National Co-ordinator of the Democratic Mandate Group (DMG) for Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB).
During the swearing-in of the Bayelsa State chapter of DMG executive members at Women’s Affairs Centre, Yenagoa, Shagaya declared emphatically that IBB would be the President come 2007. It did not come through but he got lucky, this time around, to be elected into Senate. With the various problems confronting his constituency in particular and Plateau State, in general, you would expect that Senator John Nanzip Shagaya would settle to the role of statesmanship deserving of his office, won’t you?  
Today, however, Shagaya is still fighting another Babangida agenda in Plateau State. Remember that it was IBB’s unilateral creation of the Jos North Local Government in 1991 with lopsided wards favoring a particular ethno-religious group that is responsible for the incessant crises in the city. IBB intention was to spite the indigenous population by promoting the interest of its Muslim settler elements. To people like Shagaya, “a believer [and] an apostle” of his policies, as long as the crumbs kept falling from the dinner table everything was alright; in the bargain he got Langtang split into two local governments while bigger local governments in the state remained intact; the two Langtang local governments formed a Federal Constituency while more spatial and heavily populated Mangu combined with Bokkos to form one; same as the three local governments of Pankshin, Kanke and Kannam which also combined to form another. Is it this selfishness that forms the basis for Shagaya’s undying love for the obnoxious dictator, IBB?
In his interview with ThisDay to mark his 60th birthday he claims: "One thing my upbringing dictates for me to do is to be upright, be truthful in whatever I do. In my relationship with other beings, and lesser mortals, one has to do so with fairness." Fairness, indeed! Tell that to the marines.
Since, the violent crisis of November 28, 2008 in Jos North, Shagaya has made reckless utterances that cast him as a megaphone of external interests, and not a senator representing Plateau State. When mercenaries were arrested with guns and fake army and police uniforms in the centre of Jos during the curfew imposed as a result of the sectarian violence, he was quoted as denouncing the use of the term “mercenaries” to describe the hoodlums by the state government.
He did not even offer his own definition befitting of a man with some experience in military matters. Certainly, the foul-mouthed Chairman of Okene Local Government Council, who called them vigilante, did better than Brigadier Shagaya; at least he made an attempt at disinformation. Shagaya appeared just to be pricked by the exposure of the armed mercenaries, making one to wonder whose side he was anyway. Yet it shouldn’t come as a surprise to the Shagayas of Langtang the very phenomenon of “mercenaries” given their experience during the 2002-2004 violent strife in the area. But if Shagaya wants to put up a deceitful face to the world, or to his supposedly paymasters in Minna, he needs to explain why of all the 17 local government headquarters in Plateau State, it is only in Langtang, his hometown that the voice of the muezzin is not heard at all?      
It is tragic that at the time the Plateau State government is rallying support across the state to overcome the crisis that recently broke out; the likes of Shagaya are teaming up with a breakaway section of the Peoples Democratic Party to fight the progressive state government under Governor Jonah Jang. It is common knowledge that those sponsoring this parallel party are the same who not long ago were calling for the imposition of state of emergency on the state. Having failed woefully to have their way they are now organizing to scuttle the laudable programmes of the Jang administration.
Dr. John Shagaya ought to be told some home truths, which perhaps, his age-old obsession with fawning would not permit him to see. (By the way, yes, John Shagaya is a Doctor of Letters of the St. Clemens University. This is a university company based in the Turks and Caicos Islands-don’t bother if you don’t know where that is; suffice to add that it is a well known money laundering haven. This ‘university’ has a new campus in – of all places - Mogadishu, Somalia , and which specializes in giving ‘degrees’ to those who are desperate  to covet them, either in Nigeria or in other parts of the underdeveloped world).
Dr. John Shagaya ought to be told that if he can’t represent his people well, he should not court their ire by fighting them. This is not Abeokuta of the 60s or the military of the 80s; this is the new Nigeria, the emancipated middle belt and the democratic era! If he can’t deal with the reality of the Plateau condition, he could, as an alternative, contest the Senatorial seat of Minna Central come 2011 and see how he fares as an IBB boy!


Gen. John Shagaya, the same "lance corporal John Shagaya" who pulled the first trigger that killed his garrison commander LT Col. Okonweze, Major Obienu, Major Orok, and many innocent Igbo officers in the early hours of July 29th 1966 at Abeokuta garrison.
And from there they marched unchallenged to the government house in Ibadan where they kidnapped a very "stupid" visiting head of state Gen.Ironsi, his ADC, Captain Nwankwo, and his host, Lt Col Fajuyi, took them to Iwo village about 10km outskirt of Ibadan where Ironsi and Fajuyi were brutally murdered while captain Nwankwo miraclously escaped through the rare brave help of his trusted northern officer friend Lt. Sani Bello.
After killing Ironsi and Fajuyi, the death squad marched to Agodi prison in Ibadan where Major Don Okafor, one of the five Majors in Nzeogwu's coup of January 15 1966 was being held, violently took him out of his prison room to the nearby bush where he was buried alive.

Now 51 years later after participating in that horrific and brutal massacre of innocent people who happened to belong to the wrong tribe at the time, the same Gen. John Shagaya left his village near Jos travelling to Jos with 4 other occupants and their prado jeep suddenly somersaulted and hit a tree resulting in his death at 75 years of age while 3 other occupants of the same vehicle survived. 
What a strange world we live in?
What do we call this? Is it the dreaded law of karma at work here.
May his soul rest in peace if at all there will be peace for him.

Saturday, February 10, 2018


TAQIYYA IS HIS TRADE, EVIL IS HIS WAY by Mogaji Gboyega Adejumo.

Nigeria is currently in the midst of deceit. She is currently in the hands of one who is limited but that has chosen to deploy doctrinal "Taqiyya" ahead of the 2019 elections.

Now he pretends to agree to restructure, to have state police, even agrees to employing lopsided appointments and promising to address such pressinh issues.

All these are called "premeditated sins":  he knew he was doing evil, persevered in it, defended it... but only now agrees to seek forgiveness as he knows these very actions are now going to haunt him in his re-election bid!

And very soon he will backtrack on 97/5% dichotomy: Also promising to correct that.

Soon he will pretend to also fight the same Fulani killers and his Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association hired to kill people in order to protect their cows.

He will pretend to also value human lives more than the Fulani value cows. He will come to deceive and if possible to do so again, the so called "Church", like he did in 2014/2015, with appearances, with prepared speeches, loose and gaseous!

Like that impostor, the snake of Eden, he comes with an apple: restructuring et al. Taqiyya is his trade, evil is his way.

Don't be deceived, even if a few Fulani are caught, a few sacrificial gestures are only meant to deceive and to distract.

When the juicy plummy coating is affixed to the language of freedom, be very alert..... a mere rhetoric which has not served him in 76 years, the cacophony of "restructure now",  cannot be music to a man fossilized in Fulani hegemony.

He will not give us our Freedom. He is by nature, by his training and preponderance of antecedents undemocratic!

The plum jobs goes to the north and to mediocrity, while 23 southern lawyers, 11 SANs inclusive, are the ones to defend his lack of secondary education certificate.

He creates crisis upon crisis by his very acts that negate fairness, justice, equity and equality, he then asks a southerner, Tinubu, to clean up his own mess.

Same Tinubu he shoved aside, same Tinubu his advice he shelved ab initio. Only a congenital, instinctual fool, will believe him.

Just consider this: he said Abacha didn't steal a dime.  He reinstated Maina and Yusuf, both northerners caught in deep corruption running into billions of dollars.

He unilaterally defended Babachir, Buratai, Dambazzau and Kyari, without a recourse to any security and/or anti-graft agency clearing these northerners in his kitchen cabinet of the monumental corruption allegations against them and he patted Baru's back so obscenely when a southern overseeing Minister reported Baru's insubordination and corruption!

He will come like the Almajiri, with a bowl in hand, asking for your votes.

He will come like an old Fulani of the sanda stick asking you to accommodate, "your fellow countrymen", while the real intent is the application and operation of the greatest and unfortunately religiously-sanctioned deceptive dogma in the history of mankind.

He comes versed in the way of Fodio, of Alimi, of "Taqiyya". Taqiyya is the Doctrine of Deception.

He who cares to listen, should do a thorough research on Taqiyya for it is the most powerful weapon that comes with no remorse, no conscience, no consciousness.

I will end this treatise, with the words of the Christened One:

"but while men slept, his enemy came and sowed tares among the wheat and went his way. But when the grain had sprouted and produced a crop, then the tares also appeared".

May you not sleep and allow this evil to be sowed, let alone, sprout. For to do so is to put a fire to your own roof before keeping a rendevous, with your pillows!

Mogaji Gboyega Adejumo
9th Feb 2018 ©®